ČESKÝ ČASOPIS HISTORICKÝ / THE CZECH HISTORICAL REVIEW
https://doi.org/10.56514/cch
ročník 121
č. 3/2023
S. 675–1008

STUDIE / STUDIES

ŽEMLIČKA Josef
Lán ve středověké proměně … S. 671
(The hide in medieval transformation)

The laneus or mansus, in German hube or hufe, also joined the set of building elements of the medieval transformation. The inspiration of the Flemish or Frankish hide was also part of the equipment of the colonisation processes, standing at the beginnings of the changes in the composition of the nationalities and in the demographic profile of Central and East Central Europe. They were inextricably accompanied by a wave of economic, technical, and legal organisational innovations. Even in Bohemia and Moravia, knowledge of hide practices were gradually adopted. It peaked in the late 13th and stretched into the 14th century. At the same time, the hide was soon adapted to domestic needs. At a time when greater emphasis was placed on comparability and transferability, as a relatively unified measuring tool, it became a tool to evenly burden the land and squeeze it under rental interest. The hide was usually connected with the transfer of villages and entire estates to Teutonic or emphyteutic law, in other words purkrecht, abbreviated to emphyteusis. Although hide did not become a universal measure in the end and instead branched out into land and regional offshoots, they too maintained a genetic link to the initial term laneus.

Keywords: Bohemia – Middle ages – hide [hufe / laneus] – medieval transformation – emphyteusis

RESUMÉ
The first written mention of the hide in the Czech lands appears in 1203, a little earlier it is reported as mansus (1190). First, the hide is presented in documents as a complete area of a certain length and width, as stated in several written documents around the middle of the 13th century (Laneus… erat in longitudine et latitudine, etc.). In the form of long, compact strips that extended directly from the farmsteads to the edges of the “cadastre”, the hide was used on a mass scale in the areas of foothill colonisation. Long one- or two-row so-called forest hide villages (German Waldhufen, i.e., Waldhufendörfer) were settled along the rivers and streams there. At the same time, the hide was transformed into a tool of emphyteutisation, which imprinted an organizational and legal framework on the medieval transformation. The hide also penetrated the old settlement core and there became a guide to Teutonic, more generally, emphyteutic law. Nevertheless, it was sometimes used even in places where, although we lack emphyteusis, elements of a new legal and social anchoring can be recorded there (Czech law).

The medieval transformation was faithfully accompanied by modifications and reconstructions of “cadastres” even in the zones of original settlement in order to harmonise them with advanced agrotechnical habits and social movements within the rural area. Even in these changes, another wave of emphyteutic transfers was actively involved, connected with hide “measurement”, later also “remeasurement” (nova mensuratio, commensuratio). It increased the demands for measurements of all kinds many times over. The conditions for fundamental structural adjustments (we are talking about regulation) were not automatically offered everywhere. It needed a large land holding, because more demanding field treatments could lead to a temporary reduction in production, and therefore also in the income that was paid to the lords. Precisely larger dominions coped better with this. On the contrary, in places with a predominance of properties of the lower nobility (a single village often had several owners), regulatory measures were difficult to enforce. Emphyteusis itself was abandoning its original “gründer” meaning, the interest of the lords was increasingly limited to one-time fiscal profits (arrha, anleit) and to the regular levies of subject compensations, which were converted into cash payments through emphyteusis. Instead of real regulation, fields, smaller fields, and other land were just mechanically added up and converted into hide measures.

The hide was losing its original cohesion. Its acreage began to consist of a mixture of parts scattered throughout the “cadastre”. Only their sum was composed in the hide, which in the 14th century assumed the role of the most widespread and relatively comparable norm. In the old settlement core, the hide gravitated to smaller areas, in less fertile areas to larger ones. With the adoption of the rope, the fragments of the former hereditates, terrae, agri or záhony (patches) were pressed under the common denominator. Nevertheless, even non-hide measuring customs were maintained throughout the Middle Ages.

The hide was a direct component of the medieval transformation, which in the 13th century also affected the Czech lands with its full weight. As a “measured” method, the laneus was closely linked to emphyteusis, thus to the principles involving the rural area in market circulation. The hide was also used in relation to towns. Without seeing complete standardisation, the hide survived in its flexible modifications well into the Modern Period.

BUŇATOVÁ Marie
Nizozemští, vlámští a valonští obchodníci v rudolfinské Praze … S. 703
(Dutch, Flemish and Walloons merchants in Rudolphine Prague)

The study is focused on the topic of immigration to pre-White Mountain (before 1620) Prague from the Netherlands, whose territory today lies in the states of the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg and partially (northern) France. Although the Dutch immigration in Prague was not numerically very extensive, it nevertheless represented a distinct socio-cultural and religiously specific group. Research up to now has focused primarily on the circle of artistic and intellectual elites of the Rudolphine court, where such important Flemish artists worked as, for example, the painter Bartholomaeus Spranger, the sculptor Adriaen de Vries, the engraver Aegidius Sadeler, or the music composer Philippe de Monte. Natives from Flanders, Wallonia, Brabant, and the Netherlands were also represented among courtiers, court officials, as well as among court craftsmen and merchants, and at the same time some settled as burghers in individual towns of Prague. The aim of the study is to describe, based on primary sources, the reasons and routes that brought specific natives from the Netherlands region to Prague and, on this basis, to characterise the more general causes and course of Dutch immigration. Considering that this was not a socio-economically homogeneous group, the focus is specifically on the group of traders, financiers, and artisans. The aim is therefore to characterise the motivations of Dutch immigrants for coming to the city, to describe their economic activity in Prague, and to try to evaluate their socio-economic and personal relationships established in the new milieu.

Keywords: Early Modern Period – Prague – Rudolf II – imperial residence – migration – the Netherlands – the Dutch – the Flemish – the Walloons – burghership – trade – finance – craft.

RESUMÉ
Dutch migration represented a smaller but significant socio-cultural and religiously specific group in pre-White Mountain Prague (before 1620). The court of Emperor Rudolf II (1552–1612), who was based in Prague from 1582, had a distinctly international character and a number of artists and intellectuals also from the historical region of the Netherlands worked in his circle. Important Flemish artists of their time worked here, such as the painter Bartholomaues Spranger from Antwerp (1547–1611), the sculptor Adriaen de Vries from The Hague (1556–1626), the painter and draftsman Joris Hoefnagel (c. 1542–1600/1601) and his son Jacob Hoefnagel from Antwerp (about 1573–after 1630), the painter and graphic artist Roelandt Savery (1576/78–1639) from Courtrai (Kortrijk), the engraver Aegidius Sadeler from Antwerp (1570–1629), or one of the most important Renaissance music composers Philippe de Monte (1521–1603) originally from Mechelen. The routes by which these people arrived in Prague were, however, highly individual, and usually different from the routes of ordinary immigrants. For a number of artists, their Italian artistic experience and previous engagements at the courts in Vienna, Innsbruck or Munich led them to Prague.

In addition to these well-known artists, there were also other natives of Flanders, Brabant, Wallonia, and other Dutch regions at court. They worked here as singers and musicians of the court band, officials of court offices, clergy, physicians and other specialists, courtiers and diplomats, soldiers and people employed in service positions. They were also represented among the court craftsmen and merchants, who ensured the daily supply for the large court and the delivery of luxury goods to order. Other Dutch immigrants then settled in individual Prague towns, and some of them also adopted town law and became full-fledged burghers.

An important source for the study of immigration is the books of burghers’ rights, kept in the individual royal towns of Prague that comprised early modern Prague (Prague’s Old Town, New Town, Lesser Town, and Castle Town). Research in them demonstrates that between 1580 and 1621, at least thirty-one people born in the Netherlands obtained burgher status in one of the Prague towns. Most of them settled in Lesser Town (15 persons) and in the Old Town of Prague (14 persons). Two immigrants settled in the New Town of Prague. Besides them, other Flemish, Walloons or Dutch people without burghers’ rights lived in Prague (especially in Lesser Town), and other of their compatriots worked directly at the imperial court. Compared to more than 125 immigrants (Italians, Grisons, Savoyards) from the regions of Italy, Graubünden, and Savoy, who became Prague burghers between 1500 and 1620, this was a significantly smaller group. Nevertheless, the Dutch represented an important community in Prague at the time and made a significant professional impact in a number of areas.

In contrast to the hitherto better mapped situation of Italian and Savoy immigrants, the Dutch came to Prague from larger centres. From the data in the preserved papers of the Dutch who decided to apply for burghership in Prague during the monitored period, it follows that they were mainly natives of large cities. A total of sixteen people, i.e., 51% of all Dutch immigrants (later burghers of Prague) came from Antwerp, three immigrants from Haarlem, three people from Brussels and one person each from the cities of Amsterdam, Bruges, Deventer, Ghent, and Tournai. Two residents of New Town were already born in Prague, and we do not yet know the exact place of birth for two persons. In this respect, the numerically weaker migration of the Dutch differed significantly from the immigration of Italians, Grisons, and Savoyards, who often came from the poor mountainous regions of the Apennine peninsula.

Considering the political situation in the Netherlands, which was affected by religious disputes and armed conflict from the middle of the 16th century, it is highly probable that only a small part of the Dutch immigrants came to Prague directly from their country of origin, because a number of Dutch families left their native region during the second half of the 16th century and went to safer and more religiously tolerant areas of the Roman-German Empire (Frankfurt am Main, Cologne, Hamburg, etc.).

It is so likely that some (especially merchants, goldsmiths) came to Prague from these places. This is evidenced by the fates of the trader Petr Chaval and court merchant Wilhelm Bordini, who settled in Prague as representatives of Hamburg companies, or court goldsmith Jobst von Brüssel, who came here as a representative of a Frankfurt jewellery company. This is directly confirmed by the case of the Flemish court merchant Abraham Van der Bergh and his wife Barbara Van Holland, who moved to Prague from Cologne.

In the Prague agglomeration, natives of the Netherlands represented a relatively diverse socio-economic group, the most visible component of which were court artists (painters, graphic artists, sculptors, composers). In addition to them, their compatriots also worked at the imperial court in other court functions and in intellectual and other work positions (e.g., as physicians, soldiers, members of the court band, artisans).

Among the 31 accepted burghers of Dutch origin, there were a total of fourteen merchants (thus 45%), of which at least seven had the status of court merchant. Among the most successful of them were the court merchant and banker Jan de Witte as well as the court merchants Jobst von Brüssel, Jan Rebenick the Younger, and Roland Van Holland the Younger.

Whereas in the group of Prague burghers who came from Italy, Graubünden, or Savoy, merchants made up only 30.4% of all immigrants (38 persons, of which 6 were court merchants), the situation of the Dutch was different, because the poorer representatives of construction and other trades (masons, stonemasons, chimney sweeps, tailors, etc.) also formed a significant group in the Italian community.

A comparison of the socio-economic structure of the two groups shows that the Dutch community was much less differentiated in this respect compared to the group of immigrants from Italy, Graubünden, and Savoy. The Dutch who adopted town law directly in Lesser Town were usually also directly professionally or otherwise personally connected to the court milieu (e.g., the court painter Jakub Hoefnagel; imperial seal cutter Jiljí Bottemaus, imperial antiquarian Pavel de Jode or Quirinus Spranger, brother of the court painter Bartholomaeus Spranger).

As for mutual solidarity within the Dutch community, we can observe it on several levels. As with immigrants from other regions (e.g. German Lutheran families, Italians, Savoyards), their other relatives and members of extended families came to Prague after the already settled people. Support and mutual assistance between Dutch compatriots was then also manifested in various negotiations with town governments (e.g. when adopting town law, making a will, inventory of estates, inheritance proceedings). Thus, in Prague, other compatriots who had obtained town rights only a few years before often vouched for the applicants for burgher status. However, the Dutch immigrants did not create a more compact settlement in any of the towns of Prague, nor a community with such a strong background as the Italians had in Lesser Town in the congregation and Italian Hospital. We can only ask whether the reason was the numerical weakness of the local Dutch community, or the reduced need of Dutch immigrants to maintain compatriot bonds in the new milieu. However, it should also be taken into account that, in contrast to the mainly Catholic-oriented and linguistically more compact community of Italians, there were not only linguistic (Dutch, French, etc.) but also confessional differences between the Flemish, Dutch and Walloons. In this regard, it will be important for further research on the situation in Prague to also pay attention to the relational networks between the Walloons and other francophone immigrants from France, Switzerland, and Savoy.

The vast majority of Prague’s Dutch belonged to Protestant churches (Calvinists, Lutherans), but there were also Catholics among them. Such as the court merchant Abraham Van der Berghe, whose family is buried in the Lesser Town church of St Thomas, which was the main sanctuary of the Italians here. In Prague’s Old Town, we can observe the rapprochement of the Dutch with French-speaking and German-speaking Lutherans, which was manifested both in the economic and personal spheres. Dutch artisans and merchants (e.g. confectioner Mikuláš Zelender and merchant Petr Chaval) did business in the rented premises of a large merchant’s house that belonged to the Protestant Pešon (Pesson) family from Savoy. Court merchants Rogier and Filip von Acker rented a flat in the house of the Lutheran wholesaler Petr Nerhof. Rapprochement also took place on a personal level in the conclusion of marriages.

Within the framework of the study, not all dimensions of the life of Dutch immigrants in Prague could be explored. So far, the question of their confessional distinctiveness and relations with other confessional groups of Prague residents has been left aside. Sufficient attention could not be paid to the efforts of the Dutch Calvinists to create the conditions for their own Calvinist Church and the construction of a church in Prague. Another question that will need to be investigated in more detail in the context of other (confessional) groups of Prague residents is the political attitudes and activities of the Prague Dutch during the Bohemian Revolt, also known as the Bohemian Estates’ Uprising (1618–1620), as well as their fate after the re-establishment of the Habsburg rule in the period after White Mountain (1620).

HRDLIČKA Josef
Kontinuita farní správy jako problém náboženských dějin Čech
a Moravy v předbělohorské době … S. 737
(Continuity of parish administration as a problem of the religious history of Bohemia and Moravia in the period before White Mountain /1620/)

One of the manifestations of multi-denominational coexistence in the Kingdom of Bohemia and the Margraviate of Moravia between the Hussite Revolution and the year 1620 was the competition of individual confessions (apart from the Unity of Brethren) for the existing network of parishes as the fundamental unit of church administration. The study seeks an answer to the question of how the landed gentry tried to guarantee that the parishes on their estates, over which they held the right of patronage, would belong to their faith in the future, as was currently the case. It is mainly concentrated on localities owned by the nobility, who were the owners of the right of presentation (a patron’s right to propose a suitable person for a benefice to the ecclesiastical superiors) to approximately three-quarters of all parish churches.

Keywords: Early Modern Period – Czech lands – parish administration – confessionalisation – privileges

RESUMÉ
The parish network in Bohemia and Moravia between Hussitism and White Mountain was a dynamic administrative system. The number of parish churches itself changed slightly. The composition of the patrons also underwent changes, among whom the number of secular authorities increased, which, along with their influence on the occupation of individual benefices, represented the most significant manifestations of the laicization of parish administration. Because the individual confessions operating in both crown lands (apart from the Unity of Brethren) competed for the existing network of parish churches, there were often changes in the staffing of individual parishes, when the clergy of one confession was replaced by a priest of another faith. The study wanted to draw attention to the measures that tried to prevent these changes.

Land legislation in the Kingdom of Bohemia tried several times to guarantee the status quo of the religious affiliation of individual parish churches in the future. The agreements concluded in July 1435 between Sigismund of Luxembourg and the Hussites, the reconciliation between the Calixtines and Catholics concluded at the Land Diet in Kutná Hora in March 1485, the validity of which was extended permanently in 1512, and finally the Letter of Majesty on religious freedom from July 1609. On the contrary, in Moravia, where different legal conditions for religious coexistence prevailed, this was only mentioned in the mandate of Ferdinand I from April 1546.

Not much is yet known about the extent to which these legal measures affected religious coexistence on noble-held estates. It made up more than three quarters of the area of both lands, and the nobles carried out their own religious policy on them. Its manifestations also included the publication of measures that were supposed to guarantee the confessional immutability of the parish administration. Most often, this was done by issuing a deed in which its publisher set out the rules for the future performance of parish administration. It could have been a separate deed or such an article could appear in a privilege that contained another provision along with it. It was possible to amass 73 such deeds for both crown lands, which were issued for towns, townships or even villages owned by the nobility. The earliest layer of such privileges are the guarantees that Sigismund of Luxemburg and Albert of Habsburg gave to towns held by the nobility after the end of the wars. Even before the middle of the 15th century or later at the turn of the 16th century, some Catholic nobles guaranteed their burghers appurtenance to the Calixtine confession. On the contrary, from the second quarter of the 16th century, there were only privileges in which the nobles tried to guarantee the continuity of the faith to which they themselves professed. To a lesser extent, they were Utraquists. Privileges issued by Protestant lords or knights were more common before 1550, and to a much greater extent between 1580 and 1620. An important part of the analysed deed guarantees was the additional ownership of the right of patronage. The Protestant nobles either kept it, while allowing their urban subjects to participate in the selection of the priest, or handed it over to the urban communities in their manorial towns, in which they saw the guarantors of the future performance of the Protestant liturgy. Some Catholic nobles also behaved in a similar way, who handed over the right of patronage to parish churches in their towns or estates to the Catholic authorities, in Bohemia to the Jesuits and in Moravia to the bishop of Olomouc. Protestants and Catholics were led to this by the fear of the development of property relations with the estates after their death, when they could fall into the hands of people of other confessions, or of the conversion of their own descendants.

Along with the analysed documents, which will be published in a separate edition, the study drew attention to other means that the nobles used in an attempt to guarantee future religious conditions on their estates. These were testaments that could contain articles dedicated to the religious education of the descendants, who in the future were to take over the bequeathed landed property, including the administration of patronage rights and the supervision of church affairs on the estate. However, they could also contain rules for its inheritance or guarantees of the immutability of the occupation of parishes on the testator’s estate. Similar conditions could, but apparently only rarely, also occur in purchase contracts, the object of which was the entire noble estate, or in deeds, the issuance of which accompanied the sale or assignment of the patronage right itself to a new acquirer.

PŘEHLED BÁDÁNÍ / RESEARCH OVERVIEW

VELIČKA Tomáš
Dějiny archivů a archivnictví jako téma. Podněty a stav výzkumu … S. 781
(History of archives and archival science as a topic: Stimuli
and the state of the research)

The presented study aims to present the latest trends in contemporary archival historiography. The emphasis is placed on presenting the change in how archival history is perceived that has taken place over the last two to three decades. At the same time, the study introduces the most frequent topics that contemporary European archival historiography deals with. It is possible to mention here both an interest defined institutionally and chronologically (the development of the archive or archives in a certain period), as well as one that is governed by subject criteria (relocated archives, destroyed archives, archives in the service of totalitarian regimes). All these tendencies lead to a significantly broader contextualisation of the insight into the history of archival science. The conclusion of the study is a brief presentation of the current state of Czech research and its (un)openness to the foreign trends presented above.

Keywords: archives – archival science – politics – anthropology – history of knowledge – totalitarian regimes

RESUMÉ
The presented study aims to present the latest trends in contemporary archival historiography, because a significant transformation has taken place here in recent decades, where the original methodological inspirations drawn primarily from the history of administration and archival science are being replaced by a socio-anthropological lens. The starting point here are primarily the reflections of Michel Foucault, later developed by Jacques Derrida, which define archives as a rather abstract principle connected with the human desire to archive created writings (but not only them) and strive, using psychological-philosophical-anthropological approaches, to find an answer to the question of why people do so. Other streams that influence the current archival-historiographical discourse are memory studies and the history of knowledge (Wissensgeschichte). Both of the latter discuss archives as places that not only store, but also reconstruct and, above all, shape historical memory. That this shaping was (and is) subject to various influences – including political ones – represents another of the main ideas of the current archival-historiographical discourse. However, as some authors point out, it is not always possible to convey these considerations to the scientific public in an understandable and accessible form. In contemporary European archival historiography, several thematic foci can be seen. The first is getting to know archives at the time of their birth – in the 19th century – and what role they played in building modern European nations and their identities. The second lies in their coexistence with totalitarian regimes in the 20th century. And last but not least, the research deals with the destruction and relocation of archives and the position of archives in the national-liberation struggle of the colonial world against (former) colonial powers. Contemporary European and world archival historiography thus is no longer a self-contained field, but a broadly contextualized area with intersections from cultural and political history, or from the sociological tendencies of today’s historiography, in the context of which the history of archival and archives acquires a new dimension. Unfortunately, the reception of these currents in the current Czech milieu remains relatively limited. Finally, the formulated desiderata of Czech research have the ambition to become a stimulus for those who are interested in studying and developing the history of this field.

DISKUSE / DISCUSSION

DREXLER Otto
Ideje Národního divadla jako fíkový list nepoučeného mentorování … S. 807

OBZORY LITERATURY / REVIEW ARTICLES AND REVIEWS

Recenze

Jan RYCHLÍK – Bohdan ZILYNSKYJ – Paul Robert MAGOCSI
Dějiny Ukrajiny … S. 535
(Jiří Pešek)

Tři publikace o koruně a korunovacích v uherském království

Endre TÓTH
The Hungarian Holy Crown and the Coronation Regalia

Tünde LENGYELOVÁ – Géza PÁLFFY (eds.)
Korunovácie a pohreby. Mocenské rituály a ceremónie v ranom novoveku

János M. BAK – Géza PÁLFFY
Crown and Coronation in Hungary 1000–1916 A.D. 821
(Jaroslav Pánek) … 821

Petr BALCÁREK
Byzantium in the Czech lands (4th – 16th centuries).
Historical and Art Historical Perspectives … S. 827
(Peter Bučko)

Christine KLEINJUNG
Bischofsabsetzungen und Bischofsbild: Texte – Praktiken – Deutungen in der politischen Kultur des westfränkisch-französischen Reichs 835 – ca. 1030 … S. 834
(Martin Šenk)

Lukas CLEMENS – Christoph CLUSE (eds.)
The Jews of Europe around 1400. Disruption, Crisis, and Resilience … S. 838
(Daniel Soukup)

Jan KYPTA – Jiří MAROUNEK
Terénní stopy obléhání hradů v husitském století … S. 843
(František Šmahel)

Pavlína CERMANOVÁ – Jaroslav SVÁTEK – Václav ŽŮREK –
Vojtěch BAŽANT
Přenos vědění. Osudy čtyř bestsellerů v pozdně středověkých českých zemích … S. 847
(Anna Pumprová)

Věra SLOVÁKOVÁ
Dětství a dospívání poddaných na Moravě ve druhé polovině 18. století na příkladu slavkovského panství … S. 852
(Markéta Skořepová)

Pieter M. JUDSON
Habsburg. Geschichte eines Imperiums 1740–1918 … S. 856
(Milan Hlavačka)

Jana OSTERKAMP
Řád v rozmanitosti. Dějiny federalismu v habsburské monarchii
od doby předbřeznové do roku 1918 … S. 864
(Milan Hlavačka)

Bedřich SMETANA
Deníky. Diaries. I (1840–1847) … S. 867
(Magdalena Pokorná)

Filip SUCHOMEL (ed.)
Obeplutí světa s korvetou Erzherzog Friedrich 1874–1876. Cestovatelské vzpomínky císařsko-královského námořního důstojníka Erwina hraběte Dubského … S. 869
(Jaroslav Pánek)

Marie RYANTOVÁ (ed.)
Korespondence Josefa Kalouska s českými historiky, I–II … S. 873
(Jaroslav Pánek)

Zprávy o literatuře … S. 883

Z VĚDECKÉHO ŽIVOTA / CHRONICLE

PÁNEK Jaroslav
Český historický ústav v Římě v letech 2015–2022 … S. 923
(The Czech Historical Institute in Rome between 2015–2022)

The outline of the development and activities of the Czech Historical Institute in Rome in the period 2015–2022 builds on the previous analysis concerning the years 2008–2014 (ČČH / The Czech Historical Review 113, 2015, pp. 244–276). It deals with the major positive changes in the infrastructure of the Institute, housed in the Czech Pontifical College Nepomucenum, which took place during the reconstruction of this Neo-Renaissance building, and the problems brought about by the closure of research institutions in Italy during the Covid-19 pandemic. The article presents an analysis and evaluation of the basic spheres of research activity of the Institute and its fellows: lectures, conferences and presentations, publication of the Institute‘s periodical (Bollettino dell’Istituto Storico Ceco di Roma), book series (Biblioteca dell’Istituto Storico Ceco di Roma, Acta Romana Bohemica) and critical editions of archival sources and catalogues of manuscripts (also a newly established series Codices manuscripti Bohemici bibliothecarum Vaticanarum et Italicarum). It provides detailed commentary on monographs and selected studies on ecclesiastical, political, economic and cultural histo ry with topics ranging from the late Middle Ages to the 20th century. It highlights the most important results of the Institute‘s work in the past eight years: (1) the Institute has intensified and accelerated the publication of a major international edition of early modern sources Epistulae et acta nuntiorum apostolicorum apud imperatorem; (2) a team of eight Institute‘s fellows has produced a synthesis of the history of relations between the papal curia and the Czech lands from the early Middle Ages to the threshold of the 21st century (The Papacy and the Czech Lands. A History of Mutual Relations, 2016); (3) some scholars have successfully mastered big topics of general history, especially history of the 16th and 17th centuries.

Keywords: History – General history – Church history – International relations – Czech Lands – Central Europe – Italy – Rome – the Vatican – Czech Historical Institute in Rome

DEJMEK Jindřich
Výzkum dějin druhé světové války a diplomacie v díle Jana Němečka … S. 963

Nekrology

Peter Heumos
(3. 3. 1938 Krapkowice, Horní Slezsko – 12. 10. 2022 Vilsbiburg, Bavorsko)
(Jiří Pešek) … S. 971

Knihy a časopisy došlé redakci … S. 987

Výtahy z českých časopisů a sborníků … S. 987