Obsah – Contents
Úvodem – Preface 5
Vědecké stati – Studies
Luboš Velek Budování lokální a regionální organizace Národní strany v Čechách v 60. a 70. letech 19. století (Building the Local and Regional Structures of the Czech National Party in Bohemia in the 1860s and 1870s) 9
Josef Tomeš Státoprávní pokrokáři v meziválečném Československu. Druhý život jedné strany („State-law progressivists“ in the interwar Czechoslovakia. Second life of a political party.) 38
Oskar Mulej “Post-Liberalism”, Anti-Clericalism And Yugoslav Nationalism. Slovene Progressive Political Camp in the Interwar Period and Contemporary Czech politics 65
Marco Zimmermann Die Wahlkampagne der Sudetendeutschen Partei 1935 (The Election Campaign of the Sudeten-German Party in 1935) 94
Jiří Koubek Slovakia and Hungary: two different casesof party system change and persistence after 2000 127
Recenze – Reviews of Books
MILAN VOJÁČEK a kolektiv (edd.), Marie Červinková-Riegrová, Zápisky I (1880–1884) MILAN VOJÁČEK a kolektiv (edd.), Marie Červinková-Riegrová, Zápisky II (1885–1886) (Jana Malínská) 171
WOLFRAM DORNIK, Des Kaisers Falke. Wirken und Nach-Wirken von Franz Conrad von Hötzendorf (Lothar Höbelt) 175
DETLEF BRANDES, „Umvolkung, Umsiedlung, rassische Bestandaufnahme“: NS-„Volkstumspolitik“ in den böhmischen Ländern (Radka Šustrová) 179
ANNA MOSKAL, Im Spannungsfeld von Region und Nation. Die Polonisierung der Stadt Posen nach 1918 und 1945 (Mateusz J. Hartwich) 184
BÉLA TOMKA, A Social History of Twentieth-Century Europe (Stanislav Holubec) 189
JOHANNA BOCKMAN, Markets in the Name of Socialism: The Left-Wing Origins of Neoliberalism (Jannis Panagiotidis) 193
Zprávy a anotace – Short Reviews and Annotations203
Seznam autorů – List of Authors217
Abstracts:
Luboš VelekBudování lokální a regionální organizace Národní strany v Čechách v 60. a 70. letech 19. století
The paper focuses on building a vertical organisational structure of notable parties in the Habsburg Monarchy in the 1860s and 1870s on the example of the National Party (Old Czech Party). It analyses contemporary press, announcements of political offices, correspondence of political leaders and the protocol of the parliamentary club. The key issue is the motivation of the leadership of emerging notable political parties (deputies, political leaders) to expand the party organisation from the top down (to town, district, and regional level) and its urgency in the context of forming a new political system and emerging national political conflicts in Bohemia. The paper outlines a gradual building of connections between the political centre (the Prague leadership of the National Party) and local, or regional, centres; searching or so called local trustees and the problem with their mobilisation during elections. The author deals also with organisational and structural changes of the political relations between the centre and the peripheries in the first twenty years after reintroduction of constitutionalism and parliamentarism in the Habsburg Empire (from recruiting local trustees, through assembling local election committees, to founding local and regional political societies). This development is put into the context of forming district government and of Bohemian election battles, which in the 1870s took place virtually every year.
Josef TomešStátoprávní pokrokáři v meziválečném Československu. Druhý život jedné strany
The paper deals with the „second live“ of the State-Law Progress Party within the Czechoslovak National Democratic Party in the interwar period. The former “progressivists” played an important role within this stronghold of Czech nationalist politics and formed a distinct idealistic stream of thought. In particular the person of Viktor Dyk is elaborated on who shaped the party line of thought as the most visible opponent of the president Masaryk.
Oskar Mulej“Post-Liberalism”, Anti-Clericalism And Yugoslav Nationalism. Slovene Progressive Political Camp in the Interwar Period and Contemporary Czech politics
The article examines the Slovene “progressive” political parties, treated as the interwar heirs to the 19th century national liberal traditions, and puts forward references to similar parties from the Czech political context. It demonstrates how the dominant position of political Catholicism within the Slovene political landscape also largely determined the ideological profile and political behavior of the main opposing camp. Pronounced “anti-clerical” orientation was thus essential for Slovene (post-)liberals, marking an important difference to their counterparts in the more secularized Czech context. On the other hand the appeal to the national idea remained central for both the Slovene and the Czech interwar national liberal heirs. The specificities of progressives’ national politics are discussed in the second section, where it is indicated that the complexities of their Yugoslavist course, being based not merely on pragmatic considerations, had mostly different underpinnings than the Czechoslovakist conceptions had in the Czech (post-)liberal politics.
Marco ZimmermannDie Wahlkampagne der Sudetendeutschen Partei 1935
In 1935, the Sudeten German Party (SdP), originally founded as Sudeten German Heimatfront (SHF) just 20 months before, gained more than 63 percent of the German voters and became suddenly the most important voice of the German minority in the Czechoslovak Republic. The victory was the first step on the way to the secession of the German inhabited areas of Czechoslovakia to Nazi Germany by the Munich agreement in 1938. The article analyses the election campaign of the party in 1935 on the basis of archival documents from the Czech national archives. It aims to find out how it was possible for a completely new movement to gather so much support in such a short time. The examination of the constitution of the party and strategies used to mobilize voters has proved that the idea of the Volksgemeinschaft (“people’s community”) played the most important role for the political success of the SHF/SdP. However, the meaning of the term Volksgemeinschaft, used also by the Nazi movement in Germany, was adjusted by SHF/SdP leaders to the specific Czechoslovak political and social reality. Besides that, an excursion into the finances of the party has revealed the suspicion that SHF/SdP was financed from the Nazi Germany to be only partly true.
Jiří KoubekSlovakia and Hungary: two diff erentcases of party system change and persistence after 2000
The early months of 2014 have been marked with two important elections in two of the Visegrad Four (V4) countries. Both have been first order elections with very high stakes. Slovak presidential election was to be a test of Robert Fico’s risky maneuver, his attempt to capture the presidential office from amidst his PM mandate. Hungarian legislative election was to decide whether Viktor Orban’s unprecedented 2010 triumph would be reaffirmed or not. One of these electioans has been characterized by astonishing result continuity (in comparison to the previous election), while the other one by a fundamental change. Contraintuitively, however, this article aims to show that it is Hungary, the country displaying election outcome stability, which has actually been undergoing a party system change. And, conversely, in case of Slovakia, the country with a seemingly discontinuous election outcome, it would be at least premature to envisage a fundamental party system change. This article goes beyond a narrow 2014 comparison of two single electoral events where, moreover, two different types of elections took place. It sets the current stories into context, i.e., analyzes both party systems, compares their differing logics and offers some tentative explanations for their divergent dynamics of development.