Recent publications on the Arab Gulf states have usually specialized on either one country or a specific topic. Against this trend, Sean Foley (Middle Tennessee State University) presents again a volume on the entire region. In “The Arab Gulf States: beyond Oil and Islam” the Arabist and Historian intends to respond to two shortcomings: Firstly, the region has mostly been viewed in the light of their enormous rents from fossil fuels. According to Foley, this approach neglects other factors, which shape Gulf societies and make them similar to any other country in the world. Secondly, Foley criticizes a concentration on the “male Sunni Arab”, which underrates the importance of women, religious minorities and immigrants. As the title indicates, his book aims at going beyond these narrow approaches.
The first three chapters (“The emergence of the modern Gulf”, “Globalization, Wars, and a Telecommunications Revolution”, “The Twenty-First Century Gulf”) combine a chronology of events with their repercussions in the Arab Gulf. Until 1971, Foley’s milestones are the oil discoveries, the growing US-American involvement and Great Britain’s withdrawal from the Arab Gulf. After 1971, the author concentrates on the regional revolutions and wars involving Iran, Iraq and Kuwait as well as the respective oil price developments. These events affected local political orientations, but especially the perception of US-Gulf relations. The USA had gained prestige in the region, for example by helping operate the hajj with Air Force planes in 1952, when Saudi Arabia was not yet capable of coping with a rising number of pilgrims. Due to its pro-Israeli stance, however, US involvement became disputed and local Islamists criticized the strong alliances of Gulf governments with “infidels”. The US-Gulf security alliances revealed the inability of local governments to defend their territories. To Foley, this was one reason for nationals to demand more participation in politics.
Technological changes also influenced political power and daily life: Thus, it was air conditioning which alleviated the work of the oil companies in a region hitherto known as the “white man’s grave” (p. 18). The 1960s saw the creation of the first national TV channels, used for politics and self-defence. With CNN and later on (1995) the Qatar based channel al-Jazeera, the spread of information in the Gulf and beyond became less controllable for the rulers. And it was due to computers that Kuwait’s financial assets could be transferred abroad and hence protected from seizure during the Iraqi occupation. Media and internet, however, are also used by Islamists who can reach a larger audience and rally against the governments more successfully.
Discussing the oil shocks and the resource dependence of the Gulf States, Foley reiterates common knowledge on the Gulf: the lack of human capital and low working mentality among nationals, the resulting dependence on foreign labour and comprehensive welfare systems which the governments do not dare to reform. Partly, resource dependence seemed to be resolved by the “Dubai model” of economic diversification, which was copied by all other GCC states from 2002 to 2008. While Foley asserts that economic growth in the 21st century was not only due to the oil price rise (contrary to the 1970s), he also highlights the drawbacks of this model: High inflation, real estate bubbles, debts and an ever growing dependence on foreign workers in dire working conditions.
Following this vague chronology, chapter five is dedicated to women, analysing their potential to replace foreign workers in the long run. Foley argues that prior to the pearling crisis and especially prior to the oil era, women had played vital roles in the economy, enjoying more liberties than today. Women are more ambitious than their male peers and by far better educated, but face practical restrictions in the working environment. Politicians have realized their potential, but also face the opposition of Islamists against any “westernisation” of women’s lives. The entire society, women included, is severely divided on women’s role in society.
To readers familiar with the Arab Gulf, the chapter “Inclusion, Tolerance, and Accommodation” probably presents the most interesting insights. Foley demonstrates that, in the early 20th century, the Arab Gulf was marked by religious diversity and tolerance towards other religions. American Christian missionaries often provided the only modern healthcare available. With the advent of the oil companies, the Christian missionaries lost in importance, but the oil companies provided their employees with Christian priests (often called “teachers”). After the nationalisation of the oil companies, however, Christians were advised to practice their religion in privacy.
Jews were economically important in the entire Gulf. Ibn Saud is even known for some friendly remarks on Jews. With the foundation of the Israeli state, official discourse hardened, but in practice, Jews continued to live and work in the Gulf.
Considered as polytheists, Shiites were considered worse than Christians and Jews. Their fate differed from country to country. Some, especially the Ajami Shiites were socially and economically successful. For others, it was the work in oil companies, unacceptable for many Sunni Arabs, which gave them a better economic life. But the Iranian revolution made all of them suspect of being pro-revolutionary and hardened their destiny. However, there were also attempts to win their support: After numerous uprisings, Saudi Arabia sought to improve living conditions in Hasa, the Shiite region.
It seems that religious diversity will remain: Replacing foreign workers by nationals seems still well out of reach and also the kafala system serves the interests of too many people to be abolished. Thus, it is all the more alarming that the tradition of respect for other religions, which is even part of the Wahhabi doctrine, tends to be replaced by the opinion that only Muslims should live on the Arabian Peninsula. For both, women’s issues and other religions, Foley recommends to look back into the distant rather than the recent past for solutions.
Foley’s book provides several noteworthy details, which shed new light on developments in the Gulf. Since there is little on local history or dynasties, its reading should be complementary to a historical introduction. It is basically a narrative description, while the author spends little time on methodology and theory. Rentier state theory, a main motive for this book, is only discussed shortly. Among the two arguments against it, one is doubtful: Foley argues that the rather low police/ population ratios in the Arab Gulf contradict rentier state theory. However, rentier theory states that it is the rent distribution which allows autocratic regimes to stay in power. In theory, rents should depoliticise the population and make many security forces unnecessary.
Furthermore, oil is still paramount in this book, which makes it hard to believe that the Arab Gulf states are just “normal” countries, as Foley states. A discussion of how the new focus of his research could qualify rentier theory and lead to further theoretical insights would have been more convincing, but the author does not take this opportunity.
It is also irritating that he does not define the region under consideration, that means what he calls the Arab Gulf states. While several sections indicate that the GCC states are the object of his book, there is a – maybe unwanted – focus on Saudi Arabia. This may be not unrelated to a strong US-perspective, noticeable in the examples and sources.
Moreover, the chronological structure of the first three chapters does preclude a consistent line of argument: Potential arguments are scattered throughout the text, raising the need for good conclusions. However, rather than bringing a chapter to the point, Foley uses his conclusions to add even more details. Chapter five and six, arranged along topics, are much more convincing and truly display the diversity of issues in the Gulf. It seems that structuring the entire study by topics rather than chronologically may have served the purpose better.